Difference Between Hobbes And Rousseau - 890 Words

Tim Adami PHIL 099: Political and Social Thought Second Essay: Prompt 2 The social contracts of Thomas Hobbes, John Locke, and Jean-Jacques Rousseau differ from each other due to divergent concepts of the state of nature. All three theories are therefore the products of highly differential ideas of how people instinctively behave. Hobbes, the first of these philosophers to theorize about such topics, believed that humans, while being innately equal with each other, are brutish, cruel, and power hungry. Social contracts are then made to protect oneself from the state of nature. Locke, conversely, wrote that humans are naturally predisposed to helping one another, and as such, create social contracts in order to protect one’s property and†¦show more content†¦The law of nature commands that each man be willing to pursue peace when others are willing to do the same, all the while retaining the right to continue to pursue war when others do not pursue peace. The creation of a social contract in the Hobbesian perspective , can then be justified by a need to protect oneself from the state of nature. Rather than live in the state of nature, where â€Å"there [is] no common Power to fear,† Hobbes proposes a society in which people can feel some sense of security. Fear for one’s safety is the only reason one needs to enter into the social contract. To ensure the contract is valid, society is ruled by the â€Å"Leviathan,† as there is always a â€Å"fear of not performance on either part† due to man’s innate desire to take what he wants with little disregard for others. With a larger, omnipotent power at the head to enforce the law, one does not have to fear one’s neighbor, one does not have to fear ones neighbor; one must fear only the government. To Hobbes, prior to the creation of a social contract, anything goes. A person can do whatever they want in the state of nature, but after contracts are established, people are expected to keep promises and to cooperat e with each other, while the ability to act as one pleases is impossible, stability is ensured. Moreover, Hobbes claims that people are never justified in rebelling against the government, regardless of how ineffective it is, because it is the onlyShow MoreRelatedDifference Between Hobbes And Rousseau1153 Words   |  5 Pagesthe sake of this essay, the definitions provided by Hobbes and Rousseau, on the notions of equality and inequality, as well as their views on the state of nature and the idea of a social contract will be analyzed. â€Å"Nature hath made men so equal in the faculties of body and mind as that, though there be found one man sometimes manifestly stronger in body or of quicker mind than another, yet when all is reckoned together the difference between man and man is not so considerate as that one man canRead MoreSimilarities And Differences Between Hobbes And Rousseau965 Words   |  4 PagesThis assessment is drawn from the works of Hobbes and Rousseau, whom despite addressing many of the same issues differed greatly on issues such as the state, human nature, and inequality, posing difficulty in telling who among the two represented a better view of those issues. A breakdown of the various works of both Hobbes and Rousseau will assist in examining the similarities and differences in their views on the three issues. To start with, Rousseau is of the view that human beings are not naturallyRead MoreThe Differences Between Hobbes And Rousseau s Accounts Of Freedom And Liberty Essay2057 Words   |  9 Pagesset out by Thomas Hobbes and Jean-Jacques Rousseau, writing in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, respectively. The difference between Hobbes’s and Rousseau’s accounts of freedom and liberty depends on how each theorist views society in achieving freedom, either as a positive or negative factor. The consequences of such, such as what type of political system would be best suited for a society then follow from how they see society in achieving and preserving freedom. Hobbes’ conception of genuineRead MoreRousseau s View On State Of Nature1551 Words   |  7 PagesIn Philosophy the argument of the state of nature often comes into discussion. However, two mainstream philosophers Thomas Hobbes and Jean- Jacques Rousseau have similarities, but mostly have multiple differ ent ideas on this theory. Although Hobbes makes valid points Rousseau s view on state of nature is more realistic then Hobbes. Rousseau’s view on the state of nature is interpreted as a forest, and refers to the â€Å"savage man†. He begins by explaining how he relates man to an animal he statesRead MoreHobbes And Rousseau On The Social Contract Theory1625 Words   |  7 PagesHobbes and Rousseau on the Social Contract Theory The social contract theory focuses on the origin of states and laws, and the impact of regulated communities or states on individuals. All conceptions of the social contract theory can be harmonized to the individual desire for safety or security and the demand for fulfillment through a collective agreement which transforms the human dimension into an organized society from the primordial state. Rousseau was the first philosopher to coin the socialRead MoreHobbes And Rousseau s View Of State Of Nature1486 Words   |  6 Pagestheir theories about society, chief among them Hobbes and Rousseau. Even though both philosophers saw state of nature as the phase prior to formation of societies, Hobbes saw the state of nature as a step to the better phase (a political society ruled by sovereign), while Rousseau saw it as a step to man’s misery. For Hobbes, man’s natural state is fearful and chaotic phase which create the need for an institution that provides self-protection. Ro usseau opposed Hobbes’s view of state of nature as heRead MoreComparison of Thomas Hobbes and Jean-Jacques Rousseau Essay1092 Words   |  5 Pagesguided the works of the 17th and 18th century philosophical writings of Thomas Hobbes and Jean-Jacques Rousseau. Through Thomas Hobbes world-renowned publication Leviathan and Rousseau’s discourses on basic political principals and concepts, each man validated their thoughts on human nature and what is required for a successful society within their respective government confines. The distinct differences between Hobbes and Rousseau’s opinions on the natural state of man frame the argument of theRead MoreModern Practices Of Hobbes And Rousseau Core Humanities Paper No1470 Words   |  6 Pagesï ¿ ¼University of Nevada, Reno Modern Practices of Hobbes and Rousseau Core Humanities Paper No. 1 Kimberly Martin CH 202 Joe Taglieber September 22, 2015 Martin !1 ï ¿ ¼Thomas Hobbes and Jean-Jacques Rousseau were philosophers from the 16th and 17th centuries. Hobbes and Rousseau developed theories that explained the development of human nature and how men govern themselves given the circumstances around them. Thomas Hobbes and Jean-Jacques Rousseau both have become the most influential philosophers ofRead MoreIs Outsourcing A Refugee Crisis?1544 Words   |  7 Pagesthis course to a media object provided by the professor. The authors I chose to focus on are Thomas Hobbes and Jean Jacques Rousseau. From the readings â€Å"Leviathan† by Thomas Hobbes (CITE) and â€Å"Discourse on the Origin of Inequality† by Jean Jacques Rousseau (CITE), both authors have similar but yet very different viewpoints on ideas they have made. The ideas I will be comparing and contrasting between these two philosophers are their different beliefs and understandings on the state of nature and theRead MoreHuman Nature, By Jean Jacques Rousseau And Thomas Hobbes1711 Words   |  7 PagesThese constructed categories have put a label on people who do not share the same ideas as one another. These different views of human nature have come to propel change and have come to revolutionized human history. Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Michel de Montaigne, and Thomas Hobbes all differ on their ideas of human nature, but they also share common ground. For some of these men the practices of different cultures are categorized as savagery, and for others it has been viewed as noble savagery. Their ideas

Anthropological Observations Free Essays

Tyler Adams Anthropology 2 17th November 2012 Research Paper Outline I. Introduction A. The purpose of this paper is to observe and understand the behaviors and aspects of culture in Starbuck’s Coffee. We will write a custom essay sample on Anthropological Observations or any similar topic only for you Order Now B. To evaluate this problem I used participant observation, analyzing and observing people without bias while participating in the environment. In participant observation one must not make it known that he or she is analyzing people so as not to change their behaviors, one must also be sure to remain unbiased throughout the process. C. I argue that there are several different motives for going to Starbuck’s but it is a central meeting place for cultures to interact and enjoy. D. The following paper will provide examples and proof that I found in my research about this situation and includes facts I observed at Starbuck’s Coffee. II. One factor about the problem: A. How many people were there at different times? B. Plenty of different sizes of groups came into Starbuck’s. C. Conviviality in Catalina III. Another factor of the problem: A. What are the different subjects people are discussing? B. Studying, tests, research, social life, sports games, politics. C. Citation for 2nd factor IV. Another factor of the problem: A. What are the functionalities of Starbuck’s besides food and drink? B. Social gathering, studying, meeting new people. C. Citation for 3rd factor V. Conclusions A. I conclude that Starbuck’s Coffee is a central cultural meeting place where many people come for several different reasons, different amounts of people and different conversational subjects were present in the coffee shop at varying times. How to cite Anthropological Observations, Essays

Zen Gardens Essay Research Paper Zen Buddhism free essay sample

Zen Gardens Essay, Research Paper Zen Buddhism began to demo up in Japan during the 8th century. It went through assorted periods of popularity and neglect, but constituted one of the most of import influences on Nipponese civilization. All Buddhist temples include gardens. The first temple gardens evolved from well-dressed landscaping around Shinto shrines. Subsequently, the Gatess and evidences environing Buddhist temples began to utilize gardens to fancify the temple, similar to the Heian sign of the zodiac gardens. Jodo Buddhism ( Pure Land ) used temple gardens as a manner to typify the # 8220 ; pure land # 8221 ; created by Amida Buddha to help enduring psyches in chase of enlightenment. These Zen gardens were meant to embrace the nature of the existence. The garden is the Buddha # 8217 ; s kingdom. Gardens are tools, vehicles for speculation and contemplation. Therefore they tend to be far more metaphorical than other gardens. You can saunter through many Zen gardens, but more frequently, you are encouraged to merely look at it. During the 10th to 12th centuries known as the Heian epoch, Japan was interrupting off from the manners of the Chinese T # 8217 ; ang Dynasty. New thoughts were developing as the Imperial tribunal converted what it had learned. In the country of garden design, nevertheless, Chinese idea was still a powerful force. Most of the aesthetic rules we see as Nipponese had non yet developed. The dominant architectural manner, called Shinden, was basically a alteration of Chinese design. Buildings were arranged slightly symmetrically and harmonizing to the Torahs of Chinese geomancy called Feng shui. Within the sign of the zodiacs, a cardinal edifice, the shinden ( kiping hall ) would be linked to other outlying edifices by covered causeways. Beyond the tile roofs and gallery was the garden. A big empty country was set aside for alfresco assemblages such as dance public presentations or games. The remainder of the garden was intended for screening and limited strolling. Fishing on little boa ts to catch fish in their pools was one popular activity. Poetry reading and authorship was besides indispensable. Harmonizing to Feng shui, all constructions have to be laid out carefully along compass lines and in certain constellations to let qi ( Chinese # 8220 ; chi # 8221 ; ) , the mysterious energy of life to flux decently. A decreased qi flow in a place was thought to do illness and inharmoniousness. For illustration, the builders, after confer withing with a Yin-yang diviner, would normally make particular agreements to forestall bad qi from come ining the place from the northwest. In the first Nipponese garden design manual, the Sakuteiki, it is explained how H2O classs should flux from the Northwest to the sou-east so that any bad qi could be cleansed by the protective divinity of the east Kamogawa ( bluish firedrake ) , so continue west once more go throughing under a gallery of the house so as to pull away any evil liquors that might hold somehow slipped into the house. Heavy rocks were thought to function as Gatess or set downing points for liquors and were therefore placed really carefully. Other design regulations applied as good. Influenced by esoteric Buddhism, the garden design was expected to include an island in a pool connected to the mainland by a span. This represented the universe of enlightenment separated from the universe of adult male. The Bridgess were often arched and coated with bright ruddy lacquer ( another Chinese influence ) . The Heian Lords besides filled their gardens with particular aesthetic thoughts that were alone to its clip. Mujo is a sense of melancholy, which arose from a Buddhist consciousness of the impermanency and transeunt nature of all things. Plants were thin but flowering and deciduous trees were popular for their passing beauty. At the terminal of the Heian epoch, pandemonium ensued. Most of the Imperial tribunal civilization withered off as civil war shook Japan. Most of the great shinden sign of the zodiacs of Heiankyo were destroyed. As a consequence, there are no extant illustrations of Heian sign of the zodiac gardens. However, they have been found in archaeological sites and are good represented in literature such as The Tale of Genji and pictures of the epoch. Yet this garden manner neer truly died and was to be reinvented over many centuries. Abstract representations of natural elements had long been an facet of Nipponese design by this clip. But in the late Kamakura to early Muromachi period ( late 15th cent. ) , the true Zen gardens began to germinate. Interior designers began to make # 8220 ; the garden as a picture # 8221 ; under the influence of Chinese Zen ink picture. A kind of # 8220 ; short-hand # 8221 ; manner developed called karesansui ( dry-mountain-water ) . Karesansui, or # 8220 ; dry landscape # 8221 ; manner Nipponese gardens have been in being for centuries. They are to be used as an assistance to make a deeper apprehension of the Zen constructs and to rise the poetic and metaphoric significance of rocks. Not merely is at that place sing intended to help in speculation but besides the full creative activity of the garden is intended to trip contemplation. A good illustration of a # 8220 ; dry landscape # 8221 ; garden is at Ryoan-ji Temple in Kyoto, created around 1500. In an country mensurating 30 thousand x 10 m. This little dry garden is composed of 15 stones of different sizes set in rock outcrops of two and three set, with raked crushed rock in between which represents the sea. Created by Soami, painter and poet. These dry-stone gardens so greatly favored by the Zen temples were an effort to symbolically show the enormousness of nature within a little infinite. The stones represent islands and the crushed rock is raked into geometric forms resembling moving ridges on H2O. Islands have a peculiar importance for the Japanese. Islands represent a symbol of length of service and go oning wellness. Most Nipponese gardens have both individual stone islands and built up islands of Earth and rock. Often, these islands are built up to resemble the form of two outstanding symbols of length of service the tortoise and the Crane. The tortoise is believed to populate for 10,000 old ages and the Crane 1,000 old ages. These stone isl ands are besides said to typify a tiger and its greenhorn swimming, or even a cervid or coney. Yet the head can besides impute other symbolism to the scene. There is nil in a Zen garden except what you bring to it yourself. Siting in one of these gardens one is bound to come in into speculation and religious contemplation. All rocks are cardinal to the dry-stone garden ; and after the Heian period the devising of a garden was referred to as # 8220 ; standing the stones. # 8221 ; It is small admiration, hence, why they were so of import in the Nipponese garden. Other symbolic mentions were made with rocks such as the shumisenseki and the kusenhakkaiseki, both stone-groupings identifiable with Buddhist political orientation and instructions. The dry-stone garden was, in other words, an look of nature taken to an extreme, generated by this sort of strong fond regard for rocks. These gardens created by the Zen priest are called # 8220 ; kansho-niwa # 8221 ; or ( contemplation garden ) and termed by many today as # 8220 ; Zen gardens # 8220 ; . The two chief elements of a Zen or a # 8220 ; dry manner # 8221 ; garden are stones to organize mountains and island and raked sand to organize streamlined H2O. The sand used in Nipponese gardens is non frequently even sand but alternatively crushed granite. These dry-stone gardens symbolically showing elements of nature in rock appeared during the latter portion of the 15th and the beginning of the sixteenth century as stated earlier. Although toward the terminal of the sixteenth century, when the luster of Momoyama civilization was at its tallness, Rikyu, the celebrated tea maestro, perfected the extremely unostentatious and yet elegant aesthetics of tea, and a really peculiar manner of garden was developed as an attack to the tea house or room where the ceremonials would take topographic point. It was these two garden manners, the absent # 8220 ; dry-style # 8221 ; garden and the restrained # 8220 ; tea garden # 8221 ; , which would greatly act upon the Nipponese garden in the resulting old ages. This new manner of garden which came into being at the terminal of the sixteenth century as a consequence of the townsfolk # 8217 ; s involvement in tea, was called a # 8220 ; tea garden # 8221 ; . Peoples were really required to walk through a tea garden and it provided a figure of design arrows for the development of the # 8220 ; stroll garden # 8221 ; , which will go so popular during the Edo period. Furthermore, because the civilization of tea came to busy such a outstanding place in the Black Marias and heads of the Nipponese people, such indispensable elements in a tea garden were a Oribe ( stone lantern ) , a Chozubaci ( rock basin for cleansing the custodies and oral cavity ) , and stepping stone waies all became symbolic of the Nipponese garden. During the first half of the seventeenth century, garden design became far more uninhibited. Prominent in this new development was the work of Kobori Enshu, most distinguished tea maestro of the epoch. Enshu was commissioned by his brother in jurisprudence Shokado Shojo to construct a teashop at Ryoko-in. Shakado was so asked pass Enshu to paint its fusuma ( paper walls ) because he was one of the innovators of simplified Zen penmanship and was besides a tea maestro. Enshu displayed considerable endowment as both a garden interior decorator and designer, while besides busying a place of some influence in the Shogunate and being responsible for teaching the Shogun # 8217 ; s household in the # 8220 ; manner of tea # 8221 ; . Enshu developed his ain design construct of # 8220 ; contrasting natural and semisynthetic elements, # 8221 ; and proceeded to present geometric design elements into the Nipponese garden with all its passions for the natural. Using such things as consecutive pieces of appareled rock to inch H2O and waies composed of rectangular rock elements and of course formed 1s, he opened the doors on a new universe of original design. It was Enshu who employed a additive design for the lake at Sentogosho ( portion of the Imperial abode in Kyoto ) . The Edo period crossing the 17th, 18th and 19th centuries was a period during which a figure of garden manners were integrated. The dry-stone garden and tea garden that had come into being anterior to this went through a figure of diverse developments, and were both incorporated into the amble garden, which besides paid court to traditional lake gardens. Sing that amble gardens were a comprehensive digest of all the assorted manners of the Nipponese gardens, they later became used for expansive responses and entertaining by feudal Godheads. And, finally, they were heir to an single manner of garden that functioned as a feasting installation. The gardens of Katsura Rikyu that were laid out in the first half of the seventeenth century on the southwesterly outskirts of Kyoto are representative of the early period of this stroll garden manner. The gardens of Katsura represent the first completion of a amble garden around which, as the name suggests, it was possible to walk. It was during this period, that a method of pulling natural scenery into a garden became established as a recognized manner of garden design. It was described as a # 8220 ; adoption of landscape # 8221 ; beyond the bounds of a garden and such gardens were termed # 8220 ; shakkei # 8221 ; or ( borrowed landscape ) gardens. Many of these gardens fell into diminution with the coming of the Meiji Restoration at the terminal of the nineteenth century. And although the leaders of this new age were bent on absorbing western civilization, they besides turned to traditional facets of civilization in Japan for inspiration. It is this rational clime that allows Nipponese gardens to develop along a invariably germinating way with a strong sense of naturalism, which is indispensable to its over all design. ? The Time Life Encyclopedia of horticulture: Nipponese Gardens, Wendy B. Murphy, Time Life Books. 1979 ? The Art of Zen Gardens: A Guide to their Creation and Enjoyment, A. K. Davidson, Jeremy P. Tarcher, Inc. 1983 ? The Art of Zen, Stephen Addiss, Harry N. Abrams, Inc.1989 ? Elementss of Nipponese Gardens, Isao Yoshikawa, Graphic-sha Publishing Co.1990

The Widow and the Parrot Essay Example

The Widow and the Parrot Essay The Widow and the Parrot Virginia Woolf Author’s Background (1882-1941) British writer. Virginia Woolf became one of the most prominent literary figures of the early 20th century, with novels like Mrs. Dalloway (1925), Jacobs Room (1922), To the Lighthouse (1927), and The Waves (1931). Woolf learned early on that it was her fate to be the daughter of educated men. In a journal entry shortly after her fathers death in 1904, she wrote: His life would have ended mine No writing, no books: inconceivable. Luckily, for the literary world, Woolfs conviction would be overcome by her itch to write. Virginia Woolf was born Adeline Virginia Stephen on January 25, 1882, in London. Woolf was educated at home by her father, Sir Leslie Stephen, the author of the Dictionary of English Biography, and she read extensively. Her mother, Julia Duckworth Stephen, was a nurse, who published a book on nursing. Her mother died in 1895, which was the catalyst for Virginias first mental breakdown. Virg inias sister, Stella, died in 1897; and her father dies in 1904. Virginia Woolf died on March 28, 1941 near Rodmell, Sussex, England. She left a note for her husband, Leonard, and for her sister, Vanessa. Then, Virginia walked to the River Ouse, put a large stone in her pocket, and drowned herself. Children found her body 18 days later. Virginia married Leonard Wolf in 1912. Leonard was a journalist. In 1917 the she and her husband founded Hogarth Press, which became a successful publishing house, printing the early works of authors such as Forster, Katherine Mansfield, and T. S. Eliot, and introducing the works of Sigmund Freud. Except for the first printing of Woolfs first novel, The Voyage Out (1915), Hogarth Press also published all of her works. Virginia Woolfs works are often closely linked to the development of feminist criticism, but she was also an important writer in the modernist movement. She revolutionized the novel with stream of consciousness, which allowed her to depict the inner lives of her characters in all too intimate detail. We will write a custom essay sample on The Widow and the Parrot specifically for you for only $16.38 $13.9/page Order now We will write a custom essay sample on The Widow and the Parrot specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer We will write a custom essay sample on The Widow and the Parrot specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer In A Room of Ones Own Woolf writes, we think back through our mothers if we are women. It is useless to go to the great men writers for help, however much one may go to them for pleasure. Character Web James the Parrot James the Parrot Mrs. Gages Mrs. Gages Joseph Brand Joseph Brand Shag the Dog Shag the Dog Mr. Stacey Mr. Stacey Mrs. Ford Mrs. Ford Rev. Samuel Tattbogs Rev. Samuel Tattbogs Messrs. Stagg and Beetle Messrs. Stagg and Beetle Plot Conflict Author’s Style Symbol Used Theme Moral Implication

WATCH How working harder not smarter can jump start your start-up

WATCH How working harder not smarter can jump start your start-up Nationally acclaimed chocolatier and Forbes â€Å"30 under 30†Ã‚   entrepreneur Alex Clark sat down with Daily Fuel at her Bon Bon Bon production facility and described how one of her â€Å"awful tendencies† has actually played a prominent role in the success of her business. Listen to Alex describe how at times our perceived deficiencies can actually be our most beneficial attributes.

The History of Gravity and Aristotle

The History of Gravity and Aristotle One of the most pervasive behaviors that we experience, its no wonder that even the earliest scientists tried to understand why objects fall toward the ground. The Greek philosopher Aristotle gave one of the earliest and most comprehensive attempts at a scientific explanation of this behavior by putting forth the idea that objects moved toward their natural place. This natural place for the element of Earth was in the center of the Earth (which was, of course, the center of the universe in Aristotles geocentric model of the universe). Surrounding the Earth was a concentric sphere that was the natural realm of water, surrounded by the natural realm of air, and then the natural realm of fire above that. Thus, Earth sinks in water, water sinks in the air, and flames rise above air. Everything gravitates toward its natural place in Aristotles model, and it comes across as fairly consistent with our intuitive understanding and basic observations about how the world works. Aristotle further believed that objects fall at a speed that is proportional to their weight. In other words, if you took a wooden object and a metal object of the same size and dropped them both, the heavier metal object would fall at a proportionally faster speed. Galileo and Motion Aristotles philosophy about motion toward a substances natural place held sway for about 2,000 years, until the time of Galileo Galilei. Galileo conducted experiments rolling objects of different weights down inclined planes (not dropping them off the Tower of Pisa, despite the popular apocryphal stories to this effect), and found that they fell with the same acceleration rate regardless of their weight. In addition to the empirical evidence, Galileo also constructed a theoretical thought experiment to support this conclusion. Here is how the modern philosopher describes Galileos approach in his 2013 book Intuition Pumps and Other Tools for Thinking: Some thought experiments are analyzable as rigorous arguments, often of the form reductio ad absurdum, in which one takes ones opponents premises and derives a formal contradiction (an absurd result), showing that they cant all be right. One of my favorites is the proof attributed to Galileo that heavy things dont fall faster than lighter things (when friction is negligible). If they did, he argued, then since heavy stone A would fall faster than light stone B, if we tied B to A, stone B would act as a drag, slowing A down. But A tied to B is heavier than A alone, so the two together should also fall faster than A by itself. We have concluded that tying B to A would make something that fell both faster and slower than A by itself, which is a contradiction. Newton Introduces Gravity The major contribution developed by Sir Isaac Newton was to recognize that this falling motion observed on Earth was the same behavior of motion that the Moon and other objects experience, which holds them in place within relation to each other. (This insight from Newton was built upon the work of Galileo, but also by embracing the heliocentric model and Copernican principle, which had been developed by Nicholas Copernicus prior to Galileos work.) Newtons development of the law of universal gravitation, more often called the law of gravity, brought these two concepts together in the form of a mathematical formula that seemed to apply to determine the force of attraction between any two objects with mass. Together with Newtons laws of motion, it created a formal system of gravity and motion that would guide scientific understanding unchallenged for over two centuries. Einstein Redefines Gravity The next major step in our understanding of gravity comes from Albert Einstein, in the form of his general theory of relativity, which describes the relationship between matter and motion through the basic explanation that objects with mass actually bend the very fabric of space and time (collectively called spacetime). This changes the path of objects in a way that is in accord with our understanding of gravity. Therefore, the current understanding of gravity is that it is a result of objects following the shortest path through spacetime, modified by the warping of nearby massive objects. In the majority of cases that we run into, this is in complete agreement with Newtons classical law of gravity. There are some cases which require the more refined understanding of general relativity to fit the data to the required level of precision. The Search for Quantum Gravity However, there are some cases where not even general relativity can quite give us meaningful results. Specifically, there are cases where general relativity is incompatible with the understanding of quantum physics. One of the best known of these examples is along the boundary of a black hole, where the smooth fabric of spacetime is incompatible with the granularity of energy required by quantum physics. This was theoretically resolved by the physicist Stephen Hawking, in an explanation that predicted black holes radiate energy in the form of Hawking radiation. What is needed, however, is a comprehensive theory of gravity that can fully incorporate quantum physics. Such a theory of quantum gravity would be needed in order to resolve these questions. Physicists have many candidates for such a theory, the most popular of which is string theory, but none which yield sufficient experimental evidence (or even sufficient experimental predictions) to be verified and broadly accepted as a correct description of physical reality. Gravity-Related Mysteries In addition to the need for a quantum theory of gravity, there are two experimentally-driven mysteries related to gravity that still need to be resolved. Scientists have found that for our current understanding of gravity to apply to the universe, there must be an unseen attractive force (called dark matter) that helps hold galaxies together and an unseen repulsive force (called dark energy) that pushes distant galaxies apart at faster rates.

'The significance of Wang Kar-wai's films often derives from their Essay

'The significance of Wang Kar-wai's films often derives from their coplex and highly creative treatment of time.' Discuss using detailed examples from Chungking - Essay Example To understand how Wong achieved this cult status and why certain elements of his films such as time bear significance, it is important to discuss the history from which he grew as they are both linked. Collaborating with well known directors such as Patrick Tam in the early 1980’s, writing scripts and assisting in direction, Wong learnt from his masters and established himself as one of the second new wave of Hong Kong filmmakers living at a time when issues such as Hong Kong’s transfer to China were foremost. Back in 1984 when the Sino-British agreement was drawn charting a plan to handover Hong Kong to mainland China, the uncertainty surrounding this issue forced Hong Kong’s residents as well as its filmmakers to examine this subject in depth. Rather than condemning the take over, the filmmakers sought to explore this previously un-chartered subject, seeking to introspect instead of criticizing. This was the moment when Hong Kong cinema matured and carried forward to the second new wave of filmmakers. In his films Wong essentially captures the cultural identity of Hong Kong which was dual in nature. â€Å"The cinema of Hong Kong reflects this notion of a du al identity, combining to create a third, localised identity (Wright 2002).† This duality arose from Hong Kong’s close proximity to China whose cultural identity is vastly different and bore a significant impact to Hong Kong. But Hong Kong’s history of being associated with western culture, absorbing the western way of free life, gave it a new identity which tried to mingle and sit well with its old identity. And Hong Kong films particularly from directors such as Wong Kar-wai, echo this dual identity. â€Å"Hong Kong released a few art films that found their way into film festivals. Chungking Express (1994) directed by Wong Kar-wai, became a cult hit (Bordwell 2000).† Hong Kong cinema is both a popular cinema and a cinema of auteurs

Business Research Methods Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Business Research Methods - Assignment Example These forms of study are mainly undertaken before conducting a more extensive study that will provide concrete answers to the researcher’s questions. Utilisation of this research design, therefore, is limited to areas in which there is limited knowledge as the researcher seeks to develop background information on the topic being explored. Within the business profession, exploratory research focuses on discovering business ideas rather than provision of statistically accurate data. It can provide a company with a definition of issues pertaining alternative courses of action and even prioritization of areas for further research. This design mainly utilises open ended questions and can be able to provide ideas that might not have been thought. The utilisation of the open ended questions however becomes a basic shortfall of the research design since the information collected could be extensively varied and analysis becomes difficult as it cannot be grouped. Description research seeks to provide information and describes situations based on scientific observation (Saunders & Lewis 2012). The fundamental reasons behind utilisation of scientific observations are the provision of accurate and precise information on the topics being investigated. In seeking to get this level of accuracy and precision scientific methods are utilised in statistically analysing the collected data. This research is limited by the complexity of the processes involved in undertaking the analysis of data being presented. Unlike the exploratory design, descriptive study is generally structured and pre-planned. This ensures that the information gathered within the process can be statistically inferred on a given population like the workforce of the company. The fundamental idea behind the utilisation of descriptive research design is defining, opinions, attitudes and behaviours of a group of people in a better and more informed manner

Husserls Phenomenology Essay Example for Free

Husserls Phenomenology Essay Why is phenomenology such an important branch of philosophical thought in terms of understanding media and its social, political, and technological impact? Phenomenology is the philosophical thought that focuses on the structure of subjective human consciousness. This philosophical movement was founded by Edmund Husserl who â€Å"wants to describe our experiences as they are given from a first person perspective† (Zahavi, 2003, p. 13). Husserl describes the conception of reality in 3 parts. Firstly there’s the world and its external beings, this being the world around us made up of other things and other people. Secondly we have ourselves, and thirdly we have our subjective consciousness, the way we perceive the world around us. Husserl divides phenomenology into two parts, the noesis and the noema, the noesis being the part of an experience which explains the activity, be it an emotion, perception, judgement, or imagination. The second part is the noema, which is the way we perceive the experience, our own meaning of it, the way we conceive it. This study can be differentiated from Kant’s method of analysis which focuses on reality consisting of objects and events as they are understood by subjective human consciousness. The two main divisions of Kantian phenomenology are the noumena and the phenomena. The noumena are things independent of the mind; an object or event that exists without the use of human senses, while the phenomena are any observable occurrences. Kant theorises that what we experience through our senses questions what roles we play in terms of truth and reality. Both Kant’s and Husserl’s interpretation of phenomenology are important branches of philosophical thought when understanding media and it’s social, political, and technological impact. The political impact that media has is stretched further than the democracy of governments. The politics that media focuses on can vary from contestants on a television show to the Presidential debates of the United States. When we watch any form of politics on an edited television show, all we’re seeing is what’s presented to us; the phenomena, we experience what is given to us. It is only by our senses that we’re able to perceive what’s happening on the show. This relates to Kant’s method of analysis which states that what we experience through our senses allows us to question truth and reality. Only what we see on television enables us to question this. What is edited out or what happens back stage is the noumena, it’s not perceivable by our senses and therefore according to Kant we’re unable to comprehend it. The X Factor relies heavily on humiliation in its audition process to get viewers. Many of the advertisements for the X Factor auditions show hopeful contestants being booed or laughed at on stage by the audience. Spin off shows called â€Å"The X Factor: Best and Worst Auditions† are created purely for our entertainment. Although it may seem that the media is using a contestant’s pain for their own gain, it is argued that â€Å"by now, those appearing on reality TV should have acquired a basic understanding of its textual codes and mode of production, and should therefore be prepared for any possible outcomes†(Watts, 2011, p. 36). When schadenfreude, â€Å"enjoyment obtained from the troubles of others† (Merriam-Webster), is shown on television, the audience is faced with an ethical dilemma. They have to decide based on the phenomena around them what is right or wrong. It is up to the individual audience member to decide whether they feel the contestant is able to understand the codes of reality TV and whether the humiliation is acceptable or not. One contestant on the 2012 X Factor auditions, Zoe Alexander, was highlighted in the media due to her vulgar outburst on stage after the judges slammed her down for singing a song by an artist (Pink) for whom she had previously been a tribute act for. After saying she wanted to move away from being a tribute act and focus on her own career, she went on to sing a song by the artist Pink. According to what was shown on television, the contestant made a bad choice and was ridiculed on stage for it. She was jeered at and this resulted in her swearing at the judges and throwing her microphone on the ground. The audience were left with feelings of embarrassment for her; from what was presented to them the audience could only see her outburst. The political division of the show was between this contestant and the X Factor, and the audience had clearly picked a side. After the audition had been aired on television it soon came out that the contestant had been told to sing a Pink song by the X Factor production team prior to her audition. In interviews after the show Alexander stated â€Å"When the judges rejected me I realised I had been manipulated by the X Factor for the previous six weeks. They lured me in, coaxed me and even chose my song all with the intention of setting me up for a fall. †(Daily Mirror). It was only after the audience had become aware of the back stage antics that they were able to switch their political viewpoint to that of the contestant. The impact that media has on politics is shown through the way the media is able to influence the minds of audiences by only showing certain parts of the story. Parts of the show were edited out in order to create a political imbalance between the show and contestant. After the contestant told her side of the story, the audience realised that â€Å"There is now good reason to believe that there is a surprisingly vast range of ways the scene around you could have been visibly different from the way it actually is†(Noe, 2006, p. 191). The noumena, which was not something the audience could understand, was what was edited out of the show, as we could not sense it, it was independent of our minds. According to Kant, as soon as we become aware of it, it becomes a part of our phenomena and is now an observable occurrence. By understanding phenomenology it’s clear that it is an important part of the political impact that media has. Kant’s thoughts on phenomenology relate much to Platonism. The allegory of the cave is a metaphor to describe that what we believe to be reality may not be complete, and that illumination is needed for us to see the truth. Plato explains that the freed prisoner â€Å"wouldn’t be able to see a single one of the things he was now told were real† (Plato, 2006, p. 280). Plato gives us four levels of knowledge: shadows, objects, ideas, and forms, â€Å"in the first place, shadows, and in the second place, reflections† (Plato, 2006, p. 244) The first two levels are within with the realm of sense, shadows are things we have interaction with but no knowledge of, and objects are able to be perceived with knowledge but they still rely on senses to be seen. The next two levels eradicate senses and rely on intelligence. Ideas and forms are reflections of the lower levels and are seen as the ‘intelligible world’. In a similar way, Kant theorises that reality exists on many levels, with the phenomena being what we can sense, and the noumena being what we cannot sense, independent of the mind. Both Plato and Kant agree that knowledge is primarily reliant on sense but does not have to rely on sense alone, and that reality exists on a series of levels. The concept of realism has made huge advancements in technology over the last decade. With great progression in technology, media such as video games and cinema have transformed immensely in terms of how real they appear to their targeted audiences. New technology such as 3D cinema and D-Box enables audiences to be transported even further into the world of the film by creating a false sense of reality. By wearing 3D glasses and sitting in a stimulation chair, the cinema is able to allow the audience to be absorbed into the world of the film even further than ever before. These technological advances exhibit the power phenomenology has to intensify the experiences of watching a film or playing a game. Certain media are created to illuminate our phenomena by their transmission and the form that certain media take, â€Å"What we know of the world  (including cinematic representation) has to do with our experience of phenomena, that is, the way things appear to us. †(Casebier, 2009, p. 4) According to Husserl, knowledge â€Å"remains within experience† (Husserl, 2012, p. ), so all we know of cinema and videos games is merely a recreation of what we already know from our experiences. However it isn’t just cinema that does this, advancements in technology have enabled other media to do the same; 3D televisions and mobile phones are created for the same reason, to create a fabricated reality, a place where people can have all of the fun without any of the responsibility. Video games are created with a goal to make an interactive world which can be perceived similar to real life but without the consequences that comes with reality. Racing games are made with cars that look and sound more realistic to appeal to audiences, stimulation controllers to enable you to feel like you’re actually driving a car, but when you crash your car you’re able to start another race, when in reality there would be serious consequences. However, the question of truth and reality regarding technology can be argued against. Plato states that the representation of reality is not as clear as we may think it is. Plato states that â€Å"the quickest way is to take a mirror and turn it round in all directions, before long you will create suns and stars and earth† (Plato, 2006, p. 70). When he is told that this will only create reflections and not reality, Plato states that an artist would do the same with a paintbrush. This allegory shows that what’s real and what’s true is hard to determine because everything is a representation of the ultimate reality. Therefore the images created in technology such as video games and cinema can be seen as a construction or representation of an ultimate reality, what we perceive as real life experiences. As Husserl states â€Å"Natural knowledge begins with experience† (Husserl, 2012, p. ), it is from our experiences of real life that we’re able to even comprehend the constructed reality that is shown in media such as video games and cinema. However, being too involved in these types of simulated realities can be dangerous, they can distort our minds by making us confused between the difference of what’s true and what’s real. What is acceptable in a simulated video game such as Grand Theft Auto, such as beating people up, shooting people, stealing cars, woul d not be acceptable in real life. A distinction is needed in the mind between what is real and what is true. These experiences show the importance that phenomenology has in terms of understanding the impact media has on technology. Husserl states that human experiences are subjective, and this is true especially when referring to photography and the social impacts that certain media have on the world. Photographs are a special type of image, one that holds a subjective experience personal to the people who are in them and the people who took them. â€Å"It is not merely the likeness which is precious in such cases – but the association and the sense of nearness involved in the thing. (Sontag, 2001, p. 183) Instagram is a social networking app which allows users to upload pictures onto a database which is viewable by ‘followers’. Similar to social networking sites such as Facebook or Twitter, users can follow each other and comment on pictures that are uploaded. With the invention of such social applications personal photographs no longer serve as just memories or subjec tive images, they also serve as a way to exhibit your experiences to your social circle: your friends and family. The way we communicate and share with each other has been changed. No longer do photographs have to be developed and stuck in an album for everyone to see them, now you can upload a picture onto Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, or any similar social networking sites and it can be viewed by hundreds of people from your social circle at the same time. By sharing our experiences socially we’re able to project our experiences into the minds of others; â€Å"We behold the living experiences of others through the perception of their bodily behaviour† (Tymieniecka, 1983, p. 300). Even though pictures that are ploaded onto social networking sites are able to be sensed by others in terms of being able to see them, they will be not be aware of the meaning behind the pictures. The noumena of the pictures will be the meaning behind them; the memories and emotions that are attached with the image will not be visible to everyone who looks at it, only the people who have previous knowledge of the image will be able to have a deeper understanding of what it’s about. No matter how much you look at a photograph it will have different memories and connotations for each person who views it. The way we communicate with each other has changed in many others way than just photography. The impact media has on society is seen through the change in our communication with each other with tools such as Whatsapp and Skype. With the use of just a mobile phone you’re able to communicate with other people in so many different ways; We’re no longer limited to just calling or texting each other, now we’re able to video call, send pictures, on Facebook people are able to send each other virtual animals to each other; media has impacted the way we communicate so much so that the levels of communication are unlimited. Through doing so we’re expanding our experience of communicating with each other and therefore according to Husserl we’re expanding our knowledge of each other. The level of impact media has on communication is clear because through new methods of communication comes more information we have of each other. Phenomenology is important for understanding media and its impact on many aspects such as politics, society, and technology. Both Kant’s and Husserl’s analysis of phenomenology are vital branches of philosophical thought when thinking about the influence that media has. Through politics, media is able to hide certain aspects of the truth in order to manipulate the minds of the public. Kant’s theory of the phenomena and noumena is shown here as what the audience perceive as the truth is merely a part of it; the parts that are kept out are the noumena. What’s not perceivable by our immediate senses becomes independent of the mind. When it comes to technology, the impact that media has refers mainly to realism. The question of what is true and what is real comes into place. Media such as video games and cinema are able to create other worlds of reality in which people are absorbed into. Husserl states that it is through experience that knowledge is made, so media takes the experience that we have in the real world and build upon to create realities that are more idealistic to live in; Worlds in which people are free to do as they choose without any consequence. The only consequence of this is if people become so involved in these created worlds that they’re unable to distinguish between reality and constructed reality in the form of games or cinema. Through social issues it’s clear that phenomenology is an important issue in terms of how much of an impact media has. Social network sites enable people to share their experiences with their friends and family. Photographs no longer have to be shown to others in a physical album, now they’re visible all over the world. Husserl tells us that it is through others being and their bodily behaviour that we’re able to understand them. Therefore it’s clear that the impact that media has on society is the change of how we communicate with each other. By having new ways of talking to other people, there’s also new ways of understanding each other. Phenomenology shows that with a wider experience of communication, we’re gaining knowledge of whom and what we communicate with. Kant and Husserl both have different methods of analysis according to phenomenology, but ultimately they’re both concerned with the way the world appears to us and our subjective understanding of the world around us.

Coduction Convection Radiation :: essays research papers

Conduction, Convection, and Radiation   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Heat transfer is the way heat moves through matter to change the temperature of other objects. There are three types of heat transfers, Conduction, Convection, and Radiation. The first kind of heat transfer, conduction, is heat transferring through direct contact of materials. This would be the same thing as a pan on the stove. The heat from the stove touches the pan directly, therefore making the pan hot. The next type of heat transfer is convection. Convection is heat transferred by a gas or liquid. Such as dumping hot water into a cold glass of water, making the water overall warmer. The last type of heat transfer is radiation. Radiation is when the heat energy travels in actual waves. The suns energy gets to earth because of radiation.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  These three types of heat transfer can be easily found in the activities we have been doing the past couple of weeks having to do with a universal dwelling. They can mostly be seen when we are trying to test the heating and cooling capabilities of our universal home model. Conduction can be seen when the ice touched the cans full of insulation. The cooled cans touched the installation inside the can making it cooler. Convection can be found al over the place in our experiments. When we heated our model dwelling with the heat lamp the outside of the house heated. This in turn heated the air inside making the air temperature rise. Also, when we put the insulation cans in warn water the water heated up the can. And lastly, in the insulated can experiments, both cooling and heating, when the cans temperature was changed it in turn changed the air temperature

Love Poem Essay

Linda Pastan is an American poet of Jewish background. She was born in New York on May 27, 1932. Today, she lives in Potomac, Maryland with her husband Ira Pastan, an accomplished physician and researcher. She is known for writing short poems that address topics like family life, domesticity, motherhood, the female experience, aging, death, loss and the fear of loss, as well as the fragility of life and relationships. Love poem is a very simple poem yet it has a deep dimension if you read analytically. In fact she didn’t get straight to the point that she was primarily addressing which is the â€Å"love poem†. Pastan goes on to describe the form of the poem rather than going on to talk about the love itself that she wanted to write about. At the first reading, you think that she is describing the creek; however, she is in a way describing their relationship and their love. In line 6 and 7 â€Å"its dangerous banks† refer to the stream of life that is taking everything on its way, yet they are standing on the bank of that stream holding and grabbing each other keeping the two of them close and not letting anyone of them go. She says that in spite of standing considerably far from all these events in life that might draw them apart from each other, yet they must hold tight to each other in order not to be drifted into the strong stream of life and forget about their love. â€Å"As our creek after thaw† is a simile, she is comparing the defrosting creek to their lives. She is saying that problems, turbulences and doubts cause the life between lovers to freeze. â€Å" carry with it †¦ very scruple† extended metaphor where she compares the problems and arguments to twigs, dry leaves, and branches. â€Å"Swollen† is a simile she compares the over-stressed relation to something physically engorged. â€Å"get our shoes soaked† is a metaphor comparing getting absorbed into the disputes and arguments, to being soaked with water. To A Daughter Leaving Home This is a fairly simple poem about a mother whose daughter was learning how to first ride a bike. It tells of the mother’s fright as the bicycle gains speed and hurries away from her. She is worrisome of her daughter possibly falling and hurting herself. Though, when relating the title to the poem, one can easily see that it is all a metaphor for when a daughter finally packs up and leaves home. The speed of the bike corresponds to the speed of which children seem to flee from the home and how far away they can seem. The mother’s worry reflects the anxiety of what might happen to the newly departed daughter. Will she be okay? Does she have enough money for food? Will a young boy break her precious heart? But in the poem the daughter does not fall. In life, the child generally does not meet the worst of his or her parent’s fears. Some hard times come and will always come, but they will always come out alright in the end. The goodbye at the end makes us think of acceptance. The mother accepts that her daughter can continue on her own. â€Å"Thud† is the symbol of the daughter’s dependence on her mother, but she doesn’t need it anymore. The tone in â€Å"handkerchief waving goodbye† is a very sad one, leaving the mother behind. There is a simile in â€Å"like a handkerchief†¦ † she compares the daughter’s hair to a handkerchief of somebody waving goodbye. The whole poem is allegorical, the poetess is not just telling the story of the daughter riding the bicycle for the first time; she is in fact giving the reader a simplified image of what a mother feels about the independence of her daughter. She is also emphasizing the refusal of the mother to let go of her child at least at the beginning of the daughter’s call for independence. Lady of shallot * The first four stanzas describe a pastoral setting. The Lady of Shalott lives in an island castle in a river which flows to Camelot, but little is known about her by the local farmers. And by the moon the reaper weary, Piling sheaves in uplands airy, Listening, whispers, † ‘Tis the fairy The Lady of Shalott. † * Stanzas five through eight describe the lady’s life. She has been cursed, and so must constantly weave a magic web without looking directly out at the world. Instead, she looks into a mirror which reflects the busy road and the people of Camelot which pass by her island. She knows not what the curse may be, And so she weaveth steadily, And little other care hath she, The Lady of Shalott. * Stanzas nine through twelve describe â€Å"bold Sir Lancelot† as he rides past, and is seen by the lady. All in the blue unclouded weather Thick-jewell’d shone the saddle-leather, The helmet and the helmet-feather Burn’d like one burning flame together, As he rode down to Camelot. * The remaining seven stanzas describe the effect of seeing Lancelot on the lady; she stops weaving and looks out her window toward Camelot, bringing about the curse. Out flew the web and floated wide- The mirror crack’d from side to side; â€Å"The curse is come upon me,† cried The Lady of Shalott. * She leaves her tower, finds a boat upon which she writes her name, and floats down the river to Camelot. She dies before arriving at the palace, and among the knights and ladies who see her is Lancelot. â€Å"Who is this? And what is here? † And in the lighted palace near Died the sound of royal cheer; And they crossed themselves for fear, All the Knights at Camelot; But Lancelot mused a little space He said, â€Å"She has a lovely face; God in his mercy lend her grace, The Lady of Shalott. † Form The poem is divided into four numbered parts with discrete. The first two parts contain four stanzas each, while the last two parts contain five. Each of the four parts ends at the moment when description yields to directly quoted speech: this speech first takes the form of the reaper’s whispering identification, then of the Lady’s half-sick lament, then of the Lady’s declaration of her doom, and finally, of Lancelot’s blessing. Each stanza contains nine lines with the rhyme scheme AAAABCCCB. The â€Å"B† always stands for â€Å"Camelot† in the fifth line and for â€Å"Shalott† in the ninth. The â€Å"A† and â€Å"C† lines are always in tetrameter, while the â€Å"B† lines are in trimeter. In addition, the sentence structure is line-bound: most phrases do not extend past the length of a single line. Commentary Much of the poem’s charm comes from its sense of mystery and ambiguity; of course, these aspects also complicate the task of analysis. That said, most scholars understand â€Å"The Lady of Shalott† to be about the conflict between art and life. The Lady, who weaves her magic web and sings her song in a remote tower, can be seen to represent the thoughtful artist isolated from the movement and activity of daily life. The moment she sets her art aside to gaze down on the real world, a curse befalls her and she meets her tragic death. The poem thus captures the conflict between an artist’s desire for social involvement and his/her doubts about whether such a commitment is viable for someone dedicated to art. The poem may also express a more personal dilemma for Tennyson as a specific artist: while he felt an obligation to seek subject matter outside the world of his own mind and his own immediate experiences—to comment on politics, history, or a more general humanity—he also feared that this expansion into broader territories might destroy his poetry’s magic. Part I and Part IV of this poem deal with the Lady of Shalott as she appears to the outside world, whereas Part II and Part III describe the world from the Lady’s perspective. In Part I, Tennyson portrays the Lady as secluded from the rest of the world by both water and the height of her tower. We are not told how she spends her time or what she thinks about; thus we, too, like everyone in the poem, are denied access to the interiority of her world. Interestingly, the only people who know that she exists are those whose occupations are most diametrically opposite her own: the reapers who toil in physical labor rather than by sitting and crafting works of beauty. Part II describes the Lady’s experience of imprisonment from her own perspective. We learn that her alienation results from a mysterious curse: she is not allowed to look out on Camelot, so all her knowledge of the world must come from the reflections and shadows in her mirror. Tennyson notes that often she sees a funeral or a wedding, a disjunction that suggests the interchangeability, and hence the conflation, of love and death for the Lady: indeed, when she later falls in love with Lancelot, she will simultaneously bring upon her own death. Whereas Part II makes reference to all the different types of people that the Lady sees through her mirror, including the knights who â€Å"come riding two and two† (line 61), Part III focuses on one particular knight who captures the Lady’s attention: Sir Lancelot. This dazzling knight is the hero of the King Arthur stories, famous for his illicit affair with the beautiful Queen Guinevere. He is described in an array of colors: he is a â€Å"red-cross knight†; his shield â€Å"sparkled on the yellow field†; he wears a â€Å"silver bugle†; he passes through â€Å"blue unclouded weather† and the â€Å"purple night,† and he has â€Å"coal-black curls. † He is also adorned in a â€Å"gemmy bridle† and other bejeweled garments, which sparkle in the light. Yet in spite of the rich visual details that Tennyson provides, it is the sound and not the sight of Lancelot that causes the Lady of Shalott to transgress her set boundaries: only when she hears him sing â€Å"Tirra lirra† does she leave her web and seal her doom. The intensification of the Lady’s experiences in this part of the poem is marked by the shift from the static, descriptive present tense of Parts I and II to the dynamic, active past of Parts III and IV. In Part IV, all the lush color of the previous section gives way to â€Å"pale yellow† and â€Å"darkened† eyes, and the brilliance of the sunlight is replaced by a â€Å"low sky raining. † The moment the Lady sets her art aside to look upon Lancelot, she is seized with death. The end of her artistic isolation thus leads to the end of creativity: â€Å"Out flew her web and floated wide† (line 114). She also loses her mirror, which had been her only access to the outside world: â€Å"The mirror cracked from side to side† (line 115). Her turn to the outside world thus leaves her bereft both of her art object and of the instrument of her craft—and of her very life. Yet perhaps the greatest curse of all is that although she surrenders herself to the sight of Lancelot, she dies completely unappreciated by him. The poem ends with the tragic triviality of Lancelot’s response to her tremendous passion: all he has to say about her is that â€Å"she has a lovely face† (line 169). Having abandoned her artistry, the Lady of Shalott becomes herself an art object; no longer can she offer her creativity, but merely a â€Å"dead-pale† beauty (line 157). Prophyria’s lover.

Pillow Method

Do children apologize to each other? Apology events in young Israeli peer discourse ZOHAR KAMPF and SHOSHANA BLUM-KULKA Abstract Children’s apologies are greatly under-researched. Though there is wealth of information available on the pragmatics of apologies generally, we know much less about whether and how children apologize. Our study explores modes of remedial work by Israeli children in peer discourse. The data were collected through ethnographic observation of Israeli preschool and preadolescents, and consist of 57 (taped and transcribed) apology events identified in natural peer interactions.The analysis of children’s apology events revealed a rich range of apology strategies used by 4 6 year old children, indicating the acquisition of remedial competencies for face management at a relatively early age and showed that with age, a richer range of potential violations is identified, and more elaborate forms of repair are being used, indicating a growing sensitivity to the other’s face needs. Furthermore, we found that adult intervention in children’s conflictual situations serves to model remedial strategies, but is not necessarily effective for conflict resolution.Importantly, peer talk apology events index the centrality of friendship in young children’s social world: breaches from expected behavior in play are taken as face threatening to the core of friendship, namely the children’s shared face as friends, and hence can function to end (even if temporarily) the friendship. Consequently, in such cases, the restoration of friendship becomes a necessary precondition for the felicitous realization of an apology. Keywords: apology, remedial work, remedial competencies, pragmatic development, peer talk, social norms 1. IntroductionThe apology as a speech act has recently received a great deal of attention in a variety of disciplines philosophy, sociology, psychology, law, Journal of Politeness Research 3 (2007), 11 3 7 DOI 10. 1515/PR. 2007. 002 1612-5681/07/003 0011 Walter de Gruyter 12 Zohar Kampf and Shoshana Blum-Kulka political science, international relations, communication and discourse studies and through diverse methodologies. Nevertheless, there are still surprising lacunae in this field, such as the lack of knowledge on the pragmatic development of children’s apologies in natural discourse.The pragmatic study of apologies to date has been mainly adult-usage oriented, whether conducted within the framework of gender differences (Holmes 1989, 1993; Tannen 1994), cross-cultural (for example, Olshtain 1989, Suszczynska 1999; Rieter 2000) or interlanguage pragmatics ? (Trosberg 1987; Garcia 1989; Bergman and Kasper 1993). Children’s apologies have been most frequently studied from the standpoint of social psychology, using mainly experimental methodologies.In this approach the experiments conducted focused primarily on judgments of the perception and effectiveness of apologie s (Meier 2004). As Meier stresses in her brief but exhaustive review, the study of children’s apologies has been â€Å"developmental in nature, precipitated by an interest in the overall socialization process. Focuses have thus been on apology production as it relates to cognitive maturation and concomitant changes in perceptions of responsibility, intentionality and self. † (Meier 2004: 5).However, as far as we are aware, no study to date has examined the speech act realization of apologies in natural child discourse (in both peer and adult-child interactions). Thus, research is needed to address questions such as strategy choice in relation to contextual and social factors; the types of violations triggering apologetic behavior in children’s social worlds; and face-management as related to face-threat and remedial work in the sequence of interaction. The dearth of research concerning children is puzzling, particularly in view of the importance of apologies fro m a developmental perspective.Mastering the ability to apologize indicates the maturation of the child as an independent agent (Hickson 1986), who is accountable for his/her deeds. This development also implies the emergence of the awareness of negative face wants (Brown and Levinson 1987). The realization of apologies further indicates the emergence of positive face wants, since by its realization the child manifests his/her ability for appropriate behavior in the social world, complying with basic norms.In fact, the familiarity with the apology script, in its narrow sense as remedial work for a misdeed (Goffman 1971), demonstrates familiarity with two different norms: the norm violated which threatened the face of the offended party, and the norm by which it is appropriate to apologize in such circumstances (Tavuchis 1991). Thus, by using the appropriate form in the appropriate settings, abiding by the basic felicity conditions, the child is manifesting his/her acquired competence to restore equilibrium to social relations, utilizing an efficient tool for conflict resolution, and Apology events in young Israeli peer discourse 3 thereby fulfilling the main social function of the speech act of apology (Edmondson 1981; Leech 1983). Beyond acquiring the basic features of the apologetic script, children also need to learn a multiplicity of forms and functions for the speech act in order to achieve full pragmatic competence. Apology forms can be used as a means to save the face of the other or that of the self as well as to threaten them (see Lakoff 2001 for a review on the forms and functions of the speech act), and, as such, they index children’s competencies of face management in interactions with peers andor adults.In this paper we closely examine apologies observed during natural peer interaction of Israeli children with the following issues in mind: What is the scope of strategies used by children for apologizing? Is there a developmental line in apol ogetic behavior over the years? What types of offenses trigger an apology? What can they tell us about the norms of the social world of Israeli children? And lastly, what are the roles of adult mediators both in socializing children in the practice of apology and to the practice of conflict management and resolution? . Method The apologies analyzed here were detected in child discourse during ethnographic observations of peer interactions in Israeli preschool children in the preschool and at home, and Israeli young adolescents at home and at a diner1. These observations are part of a larger longitudinal project aimed at tracking the development of genres of extended discourse2. Within the overall framework of the project, we followed two cohorts of 20 Israeli children each young preschoolers and fourth graders for duration of three years (2001 2003).The children were observed and taped in three types of speech events: natural peer interactions; family mealtimes; and semi-structured adult child interviews. The data for this paper come from the transcripts of natural peer interaction of both preschoolers and fourth graders in free play during the first and the third year of the project, when the mean age of the younger group was 5 and 7 respectively, and that of the older group 9 and 11. We analyzed 1362 minutes (22 hours and 42 minutes) of transcribed interaction, using two different methods.First, by using a key word search, we located all the explicit apologies that contained IFID’s (Illocutionary Force Indicating Device) in our data. We considered all expressions containing variants of the conventional forms of apologies in Hebrew: hitnatclut (apology), slixa (literally forgiveness, or pardon, can function as ‘excuse me’), and ca’ar (sorry or regret). For each occurrence, we analyzed the full interactional sequence of the apology event from the initial violation through the realization of the apology and later reac- 14 Zohar Kampf and Shoshana Blum-Kulka tions to it in order to characterize the pragmatic strategies and social ontexts in which they were uttered. After ensuring through these procedures that we did not miss any conventional form of apology in our data, we reviewed the transcripts to locate conversational sequences that were likely to invite remedial work and analyzed the instances of the indirect apologies identified. The children’s apology events were analyzed with several goals in mind. First, in terms of their form, namely the main strategies used by the speaker: type of IFID, admittingavoiding responsibility, types of accounts, the presence of a promise of forbearance, offers for repair, minimizations and maximizations (see Blum-Kulka et al. 989 for details). Second, in terms of their function, namely by noting the interactional goal of the apology (whether it functions apologetically or nonapologetically as in a challenging or sarcastic keying) and, more broadly, by noting the way it functions and develops in the specific context and co-text in which it appears. Close consideration of the local co-text and context also takes into account the violations that trigger apologies and the â€Å"keying† (Blum-Kulka et al. 004) of the apologies, namely whether the apology was sincere, casual, challenging or sarcastic (see Deutschmann 2003 for details), and whether realized within a pretend-play frame. Thirdly, we further explored the strategies and functions of apologies in Israeli children’s peer talk from a developmental perspective, looking for differences in the use of strategies with age. We also considered the role of mediators, mostly institutional figures, in the socialization of apologetic behavior. And lastly, we analyzed the preschool children’s sholem (lit. eace) ritual; a cultural alternative for apology manifested by signaling performatively the restoration of a â€Å"peace† state. Our most surprising finding was the richness o f the range of apology strategies used by young children (4 6 years old); a finding that indicates the acquisition of remedial competencies for face management at a relatively early age. 3. Children’s remedial work How frequently do people apologize? Since most research on apologies has been carried out with the use of written questionnaires, role-play or anecdotal data collection during ethnographic observations (Butler 2001), the actual ate of apologies in natural talk remains a puzzle (Holmes 1990). Our observations of 22 hours and 42 minutes of children’s interactions yielded an apology event on average every 23. 9 minutes, (0. 042 apologies per minute, 57 apology events in 1362 minutes of talk: see Table 1). Apologies were the least frequent at the first observation of the younger cohort. When the children were age 4 to 6 years, the rate Apology events in young Israeli peer discourse 15 Table 1. Mean of apology events per minute for each age group. Preschool year 1 (4 6) Number of apology events Length of transcription (minutes) ean of apology events per minute Preschool year 3 (6 8) preadolescents year 1 (9 10) preadolesN cents year 3 (11 12) 12 11 15 19 57 377. 5 235. 5 321 428 1362 0. 032 0. 046 0. 047 0. 44 0. 042 of apology events is one every 31. 5 minutes (12 events in 377 minutes. ). Two years later the rate goes up to one apology every 21. 4 minutes (235/ 11). This is also the rate for apologies in the talk of the older cohort: every 21. 4 minutes the first year (321/15), when the children were age 9 to 10, and every 22. 5 minutes two years later, when the children were age 11 to 12 (428/19).The 57 apology events contained 82 occurrences of IFIDs (different Hebrew specific illocutionary force device expressions used for apologizing): an apology expression for every 16. 6 minutes of talk, 0. 06 per minute. The ratio of IFIDs per words is surprisingly similar to the rate found for British English spoken by people of varied ages and ba ckgrounds. As calculated by Deutschmann (2003), the rate of IFIDs in British English was 59. 7 per 100,000 words, (3070 tokens in 5,139,083 running words), while in our small corpus of 157,666 running words (and 82 IFIDS) the rate found was 52 per 100,000 words3. . 1. Apology events: Types of violations and remedial work We defined an â€Å"apology event† as a conversational sequence including at least one remedial utterance indicating a violation. Further remedial actions with regard to the specified violation were considered as part of the same event. The event might further include complaints, a demand for an apology and negotiations over the acceptance of the apology and its meaning. 3. 1. 1. Violations By â€Å"violation† we mean an act or event that breaches a norm or a behavioral code; a breach the offender is expected to be accountable for to the offended party.In politeness theory terms, a violation is a face-threatening act the offender is expected to repair, supporting the offended party’s 16 Zohar Kampf and Shoshana Blum-Kulka Table 2. Types of violations over age (N Preschool year 1 (4 6) A. Accidents B. Mistakes and misunderstandings C. Breach of expectation D. Lack of consideration E. Talk offences F. Social gaffs G. Requests H. Hearing offense I. Offense involving breach of consensus J. Unidentified N i 57)i. Preschool year 3 (6 8) 3 preadoles- preadoles- Adult N cents year 1 cents year 3 all groups (9 10) (11 12) 3 3 1 4 4 3 1 3 1 5 3 3 1 1 1 2 1 1 2 1 2 1 8 1 13 1 8 3 4 2 3 1 11 9 15 7 8 19 1 3 57 One violation was coded for each apology event. The distinction between child and adult violation is in the question â€Å"who is the violator? †. face without a threat to his/her own (Chen 2001). Violations are at the core of the apology event. Exploring the types of violations children consider accountable allows us a glimpse of a child’s notion of what acts or words are considered face-threatening and how these notions change with time. In other words, it allows us to assess the children’s system of politeness from their own point of view.The distribution of types of violation identified (following Deutschmann’s 2003 classification) is presented in Table 2. Despite the small numbers, some tentative patterns emerge: the most salient type of violation is lack of consideration (13), followed by mistakes and misunderstandings (8), breach of expectations (8), talk offenses (8) and accidents (7). Except for accidents (which mainly have to do with unintentionally physically hurting another child), these categories all relate to children’s social worlds, and testify to children’s norms and expectations from their peers.Interestingly, the categories are not evenly distributed: while children in the younger cohort realized apologies with regard to only four types of violations, the children in the older cohort realized apologies with regard to seven types at the age of 9 to 10, and nine types at the age of 11 to 12. Hence as children develop, they seem Apology events in young Israeli peer discourse 17 to identify a richer range of potential violations, refining their sensitivity to the positive and negative face needs of the other, while concurrently developing more elaborate forms of repair4.Lack of consideration is the most salient type of violation attended to. Example 1 illustrates how the style of directives in play may become an issue of face-threat and trigger an indirect demand for an apology. The two girls, Liat and Nofar are enacting the roles of salesgirls in a dress shop scenario of pretend play. Liat, who takes on the leading role, issues a series of detailed direct instructions to Nofar in a machine gun style, which apparently Nofar finds irritating. Example 1: Annoying instructions5 Participants: Liat, f, (9;5); Nofar, f, (9). Date: 2. . 2000 Place: Liat’s room. Situation: The girls play free-play, â€Å"clothing store†. The first indication for considering the instructions as a threat to Nofar’s face is her refusal to cooperate (turn 131). The second indication is more explicit: following yet another instruction in 134, she repeats her refusal in an angry voice, adding a tag for emphasis (turn 135). This time her companion begins her turn overlapping Nofar immediately after the first two words â€Å"I can’t† beginning yet another directive but cutting herself 18 Zohar Kampf and Shoshana Blum-Kulka ff to insert a repair â€Å"ok sorry†, thereby indicating that she must have sensed the angry tone in Nofar’s mid-turn. Yet she continues with still another attempt to pull Nofar back into her â€Å"instruction taking† role by the use of â€Å"but† (â€Å"but look, let’s say you finished. †) The attempt fails, and Nofar continues to protest (turn 137). It is noteworthy that while all of Liat’s turns are uttered within the pretend play frame, it is not clear whether Nofar’s turns (except for 133) are uttered within that frame, testifying to the salesgirl’s state of mind, or are uttered outside the frame, indicating real annoyance.Other types of salient violations, with 8 occurrences each, were mistakes and misunderstandings, talk offenses and breach of expectations. The first type, mistakes and misunderstandings, happened mainly during play, and only in the preadolescent’s talk. The explicit apology uttered referred to violations such as mistakes in operating a toy cashier or not putting an item in its place during a â€Å"clothing store† play (see example 1). Talk offenses, attended to through self repairs, occurred in our data first at the age of 6.Conversely, breach of expectations was attended to mainly in the young cohort6. Another salient type of violation was accidents (7), which were mainly violent acts against a member of the peer group, and occurred chiefly between boys. 3. 1. 2. Remedial strategies Do remedial strategies correspond to types of violation? We found no indication in our peer talk data that, as argued by Darby and Schlenker (1982), the nature and severity of the violation affects the form of the apology. The distribution of IFIDs (Illocutionary Force Indicators) and apology strategies is presented in Tables 3 and 4.Of the three forms, only mitnacel (apologize) is a uni-functional IFID used for apologies only; both micta’er (sorry) and slixa (forgive, excuse, pardon) are pragmatically multi-functional and can be used with other speech acts, with varying force of the apology function (e. g. , sorry, you have to clean the room now). The results confirm previous findings with regard to young children’s basic understanding of the notions of culpability and responsibility (Weiner and Handel, 1985) and their capability for providing violation targeted accounts (Much and Shweder, 1978).The lexeme slixa (literally ‘pardon’ derived from the verb ‘to forgive’, lisloa’x, often used for ‘excuse me’) is the most frequent item in all ages, followed by micta’er (I’m sorry) and finally by ‘apologize’, which is more formal and appeared only once in our corpus and was realized by an adult. From among the various strategies identified in adult discourse (Olshtain, 1989; Deutschmann, 2003), three did not show up in the children’s Apology events in young Israeli peer discourse 19 Table 3. Distribution of Common Hebrew apology IFID types across age groups (N 82).Preschool year 1 (4 6) A. Apologize or apology (mitnacel ) B. Sorry (micta’er) C. Forgive, Excuse, Pardon (slixa) N Preschool year 3 (6 8) preadoles- preadoles- Adult N cents year 1 cents year 3 all groups (9 10) (11 12) 1 1 5 2 3 4 4 16 20 7 14 15 9 65 17 (18 with 19 adult realizations) 14 82 25 (32 with 7 (13 with adults readult realizations) alizations) Table 4. Distribution of Is raeli children’s apology strategies across age groups (N Preschool year 1 (4 6) Responsibility Excuses Justification Promise for forbearance Repair Minimization Maximization 4 N 9 Preschool year 3 (6 8) 28). preadolespreadolesN cents year 1 cents year 3 (9 10) (11 12) 2 1 1 8 9 2 8 1 1 4 2 1 9 14 3 28 discourse: promise for forbearance; repair; and minimization. Taking on responsibility by naming the offense (I’m sorry for what I did ) occurred in both age cohorts, as did excuses. Contrary to the claim made in the literature (Graybill 1990; Schadler and Ayers Nachamkin 1983), preschool children did externalize causes for wrong doing via the use of excuses (by mistake/not because of me/I didn’t mean to/I don’t hear so well ).On the other hand, maximization (by intensifiers like very much, really) occurred only in the speech of the older cohort, and might indicate a growing recognition with age of the importance of sincerity in the realization of apologies. This finding is in line with Darby and Schlen- 20 Zohar Kampf and Shoshana Blum-Kulka ker’s (1982) argument that older children (9 12 years) perceive elaborated apologies as expressing deeper regret, and are also more able than younger children (5 6 years) to realize such apologies. 3. 2. The keying repertoire of children’s apologiesOne aspect of children’s growing sophistication in mastering the forms and functions of apologies is expressed through variations in â€Å"key†, the interpretative frame of the utterance marked often through tone of voice in terms of its â€Å"color† or mood, such as ironic, sincere, playful or subversive (Blum-Kulka et al. 2004). A somewhat similar notion is proposed by Deutschmann (2003) in marking apologies on a scale for sincerity, such as casual, sincere, challenging or sarcastic. Adding the category of â€Å"pretend† we adopted Deutschmann’s terms to classify all the apologies used by type of keying .As can be seen in Table 5 the major cutting line between the two cohorts is in the absence of the sarcastic and the scarcity of challenging keying from the younger children’s discourse. All other keyings are realized by all age groups. Casual keying (such as in sorry after stepping on somebody’s foot) appears in the younger children’s talk during joint activities, like drawing (Silver? Silver? Sorry, I don’t have silver color ) and is used by the preadolescents on various occasions, including for having made an error of speech.Marking apologies as sincere (lexically by repetition as in I’m really really sorry or by tone of voice) is common practice for all children. These two keyings are linked to apologies proper, namely with utterances that carry the illocutionary force of the ‘apology’ speech act. On the other hand, the use of the challenging and sarcastic keying (both less common) can be associated with a range of speech acts, som etimes mitigating the challenging key of the upcoming act, and sometimes underscoring it.Thus such forms can be used to pre-empt an FTA (as in directives excuse me, could you †¦), indicating the speaker’s Table 5. Distribution of apologies by keying over age (N Type of Keying Casual Sincere Challenging Sarcastic Pretend Preschool and Grade 1 Preadolescent 8 13 2 1 8 (2 challenging; 6 (all sincere) 6 sincere) Adults 3 8 19 29 57). 3 4 N 11 25 2 (4) 1 14 (2 challenging; 12 sincere) 57 Apology events in young Israeli peer discourse 21 reluctance to impinge on the hearer’s negative face and thereby redressing that impingement (Brown and Levinson 1987).Deutschmann (2003) argues that in adult discourse, when such use of apology forms occurs in response to violations having to do with deviations from the consensus and in an aggressive tone, usually during heated debates, it is hard to see how they can be considered a mitigating device. Similarly, in situations of behavio r control, the apology forms used by adults in interaction with the preschoolers serve a different purpose (Teacher: Excuse me?! You take your bag and you go in, no going wild. Please, don’t put chairs here).Such apology forms act in fact as directives to control behavior, and are in concert with and actually underscore the challenging key of the main control act. We found no instances of such use among the preschoolers, but it does appear in the talk of the preadolescents. On one occasion, when Ronen (9. 9) and Sa’ar (10) are playing with nylon bubbles, Ronen reacts to Sa’ar snatching the nylon with an indignant, excuse me sir, sir sir. Here again the apology form is used in the service of another function, namely to express an indignant objection.On the whole, the sarcastic keying is quite common in the talk of preadolescents, and is used with a variety of speech acts (Blum-Kulka et al. 2004), yet appeared only once with apologies. Example 2: ‘Sorry for Sa’ar’s momentary insanity’ Participants: Sa’ar, m, (10); Ronen, m, (9;9) Orly (9;9). Date: 22. 2. 00. Place: Sa’ar’s room. Situation: The children are talking to the microphone. In pretend play children learn to abide by rules and regulations, and their behavior in the play frame includes attending to minor and major 22 Zohar Kampf and Shoshana Blum-Kulka violations.Minor violations might be an error in naming one of the characters in play, or mistakes in the ways in which toys are operated. Major violations have to do with acting out of character in play, as in a case of a fight between two Pokemon characters, in which one of the children is offended by what seems to him as undue force having been used towards him by the other. The category of ‘pretend’ keying encompasses instances which are doubly keyed: first, for being uttered within the play frame; and second, for their specific function within play as sincere, sarcastic o r challenging.Interestingly, apology forms associated with a challenging key appeared only in the third observation period for the preschoolers, when the children were 6 to 8, and only within the play frame. The following example illustrates such a case of slixa (sorry) uttered within the pretend play frame, in which Idit is enacting a dissatisfied pupil complaining to her ‘teacher’. The use of slixa here can be seen to function both to express indignation in response to the content of the previous turn (with no trace of its apology meaning), as well as to apologize for and thus mitigate in advance the upcoming FTA (you are a bad teacher ).Although she is ostensibly using the voice of a child, the style and adversarial tone of her delivery seems to echo adult parlance, perhaps that of a dissatisfied parent or teacher. Thus the play activity, by bringing in multiple roles and voices, allows for the development of pragmatic competencies by widening the repertoire of apolo gy forms and functions. Example 3: ‘Excuse me teacher. Don’t speak with me about them’ Participants: Idit, f, (6;8); Shirley, f, (5;10). Date: 14. 3. 02 Place: Idit’s living room. Situation: The children are playing with dolls. Apology events in young Israeli peer discourse 3 4. Resolution: Adult mediation vs. child negotiation Adult intervention in children’s conflicts may provide potentially important socializing input to the development of the pragmatics of apologizing. One adult strategy observed in the preschool is to attend to both parties in a conflict in the same breath, admonishing the offender on the one hand and stressing the need to accept his or her apology on the other (You have to accept his apology). Adult interventions in the children’s conflict may also function to model behavior, and to achieve conciliation through mediation (Tavuchis 1991: 64 68).We do not know of course the extent to which the use of apologies by the chil dren is the direct outcome of adult modeling, but echoes of adult usage in peer talk, as when quoting the speech of one’s mother to a disruptive child visitor at home (she said to him Nadav, sorry, you are exaggerating! ), show that children can be highly attentive to adult speech. Children’s acknowledgement of the role of adult as mediator and conciliator finds its expression in the preschool in situations of conflict through quite frequent threats ‘to tell’ (ani agid otxa (lit. I’ll tell on you)).Yet children’s conflict management does not necessarily benefit from adult intervention. In the following examples we shall consider cases when a) children locally solve a conflict by themselves (example 4); b) cases when adult intervention is partly successful in modeling apology behavior, yet does not solve the conflict (example 5a and 5b); and c) cases when adult intervention is non-felicitous the adult imposes collective punishment without goin g to the root of the matter, while the children find sophisticated ways to negotiate a conciliation (example 6).In the episode below, the children have been enacting Pokemon characters in pretend play, and Dani, playing the good Pokemon, declares having killed the bad Pokemon played by Oren, apparently enacting the â€Å"killing† with undue force and hurting Oren physically. Oren shows he is hurt by emphatically opting out of play (32: I’ m simply not playing with you, really, I won’t play with you at all, Dani ). Dani reacts first by countering Oren, but seems to cut himself off to apologize briefly (34: sorry)7.Oren obliquely refuses to accept the apology by declaring his intention to hurt the offending party, using third person singular to mark re-entry to the pretend frame (35: I’ll hit him). The elaborate apology proffered by Dani next, containing both an IFID and the taking on of responsibility, (36: I’m sorry for what I did. Sorry) seems to satisfy Oren, who concedes that the hitting was done ‘gently’.The repair sequence lasts 4 turns, and includes repair, threat, elaboration of the repair, and acceptance of the repair through re-framing of the violation as non-grave. The full success of the repair sequence is evident 24 Zohar Kampf and Shoshana Blum-Kulka Example 4: ‘It was done gently’ Participants: Oren, m, (6;1); Dani, m, (5;11); Alon, m (5). Date: 6. 4. 00. Place: â€Å"Einit† preschool, Jerusalem. Situation: The children are playing Pokemon. n the next two turns (39 and 40), in which the two children resume cooperation in enacting in play different Pokemon characters, and Oren proceeds to tell Dani, (with Dani’s willing cooperation as active audience), a complicated tale which serves to explain why he even shouldn’t have been considered the enemy and been hit in the former stage of the pretend play (see Blum-Kulka 2005, for a fuller transcript and analysis of this in teraction).This episode, which follows immediately the previous one, lasts over 76 turns, and illustrates how adult mediation might enhance the learning of strategies of conflict management, but does not necessarily lead to conflict resolution. The event builds up to a crisis when more children join Dani and Alon in the Pokemon based pretend play, with the children enacting various Pokemon characters (wearing imaginary space suits) having a fight. At some point Erez kicks a sand ball which hits Dani’s face; Dani is physically hit, spits and sneezes, and calls out Erez’s name.Erez apologizes briefly (slixa (lit. ‘forgive’)) but his apology is emphatically rejected by Dani (No, I’m not forgiving you, turns 321 324). Next, Dani uses the opportunity of the student-teacher addressing him on another matter (Daniele, did you have a drink) to try and register a complaint (YES BUT EREZ, shouting in anger) and is cut off by Erez apologizing again (also shouti ng, turn 327). The student-teacher, apparently inferring from this Apology events in young Israeli peer discourse 25Example 5a: â€Å"You have to accept his apology†: The role of the mediator Participants: Erez, m, (5;11); Dani, m, (5;11); Alon, m (5); Student (Assistant). Date: 6. 4. 00. Place: â€Å"Einit preschool, Jerusalem. Situation: The children are playing Pokemon. 26 Zohar Kampf and Shoshana Blum-Kulka Example 5a: (continued) brief exchange that there must have been a fight and that Dani is the offended party, attempts to appease Dani by convincing him to accept Erez’s apology (328: What happened? , uttered as a rhetorical question, He is apologizing).But Dani won’t have any of it and continues to recount the details of the incident in a shouting voice that indicates his emotional stress (329 335), ignoring Erez’s attempt for finding an excuse (but I didn’t see). At turn 334, the student takes on the role of the mediator in earnest. She a llocates turns, (using explicit meta-pragmatic comments) as in a political debate, allowing each of the parties to present his side. First ensuring Dani’s speaking space (Let him speak and then you tell me) and then allocating speaking rights to Erez (Let’s hear what Erez has to say).Dani uses his speaking rights to complete the description of the violation (the act of kicking the sand in his face) and its consequences (I have sand in my mouth ) (335 336). Erez uses his space to provide a confused account of the happenings that led to the incident (including reference to previous unclear violation, when someone threw something on him)8 and goes on to minimize his responsibility for the incident through a series of excuses that embed the offense in the pretend play frame: accusing the other party (they shot at me first ), describing the unintended consequence of an action (I wanted to shoot and it flew the sand ).This sequence includes ‘positive excuses’ (W einer et al. 1987) indicating that the skills needed for engaging in image restoration (Benoit 1995) and self facesaving (Chen 2001) are already activated by children in the preschool. In turn 338, the student tries to clarify if there has been any bad intention behind the offense. We can see her efforts as an attempt to socialize the children to the conventional norm for assigning blame; full responsibility applies only if the deed was fully intentional.After clarifying with Erez (in courtroom highly coercive interrogative ‘yes/no questions’ style) that the acts were not intentional, she announces her verdict as mediator, carefully attending to both parties, asking Erez to be more careful next time, and urging Dani to accept the apology (turn 342)9. Apology events in young Israeli peer discourse 27 Example 5b: ‘I don’t forgive you and I’m not your friend’ Participants: Erez, m, (5;11); Dani, m, (5;11); Alon, m (5); Date: 6. . 00. Place: †Å"Einit preschool, Jerusalem. ((22 turns omitted) Does Dani accept the mediation? Though there is no verbal indication that he does, the resumption of normal communication between the two children (Erez declares that he is going, Dani asks him to bring him his Pokadur) seems to suggest that the incident has been resolved. But actually, as the next extract shows, this is not the case at all. In the part omitted, Dani and Alon continue playing without Erez.When Erez returns, Daniel does not mince words to tell him not only that his apology has been in vain, but also that he has drawn the necessary conclusions: ‘Erez, Erez, Erez, I, I don’t forgive you and I’m not your friend anymore’ (368). We can see that despite all her efforts, the adult’s attempts at mediation and conciliation had no visible impact on the offended party, and the conflict remains unresolved. It is interesting to note the supportive part played in the conflict by Alon, Dani’s younger friend.First, Alon is the one who stays to play with Dani, after Erez leaves; second, he aligns himself with Dani by offering a moral to the incident that supports Dani (369: The one who is bad goes to hell, the one who is good goes to Heaven); third, he continues in his efforts to appease Dani and make him feel better for several minutes after the play is over by making new suggestions for a joint activity (would you like to continue with me the picture my dad drew for me of Pikachu? ). All to no avail, until he finally manages to make him join in laughter around a funny speech error10.In the next episode, the children are playing in a wooden structure in the yard called â€Å"the boys’ structure†. The structure contains an old cupboard, some tools and several big pillows. Preceding the episode quoted here they prepare an â€Å"insects cake† from sand (and ants) for one of the children’s imaginary birthday, present it to the birthday child who 2 8 Zohar Kampf and Shoshana Blum-Kulka pretends to taste it, and then pour its content into the sand box at the other end of the yard and run back to the â€Å"boys’ structure†.The confrontational event begins when Ariel asks Yoav to hand him the stick Yoav is holding, claiming it as his, and when Yoav refuses, tries to grab it by force. During the fight that develops, Yoav receives a blow from Ariel. At first one of the children justifies the act (38: Golan: Because you didn’t give me the stick’) but as they realize the seriousness of the blow and Naor threatens to tell the staff (43: ‘I’m going to tell on you Ariel ’) both Ariel and Golan begin to apologize profusely with Ariel repeating ‘sorry’ (slixa) no less than 14 times.This intensity, as suggested by Darby and Schlenker (1982), is possibly motivated by the threat to involve an institutional figure in the conflict. The male Teacher-Aid who appears on the scene makes no attempt to mediate for reconciliation. Instead, he threatens to impose collective punishment, I’ll take (it) apart, because, there is too much violence there (turns 60, 62), and indeed proceeds to take the stick from Ariel and dismantle the structure. When a few minutes later Ariel approaches Yoav with a new idea for play and Yoav concedes (77 78: Ariel: Let’s have a picnic; Yoav: Let’s have a party).At first the previous incident seems to have been completely forgotten, but Ariel’s reference to the unpleasant incident in turns 81 and 83 I didn’t mean to do it to you and I didn’t mean at all to do it to you (meaning, to hurt you) sheds a new light on the whole exchange, turning it into a carefully planned remedial action, performed in stages. The first stage consists of an attempt to re-establish mutual trust as friends by proposing a joint play, using solidarity politeness markers (‘let’s’) that suggest common ground. It is only after the offer is fully embraced by the other child, and a shared commitment to renewed friendship is firmly established, that reference is made to the previous incident. The renewal of friendship, which is expressed verbally through each child echoing the other’s ‘let’s’ utterance, underscoring their new togetherness, seems to work here to build the trust needed for allowing for the apology to come forward in a context that enhances its chances for being accepted as sincere.In this mutually supportive context, Ariel’s repeated denial of intent (see turns 81 and 83) stands a better chance of being accepted than in the confrontational context preceding it, and we can indeed witness its success through the two children’s full collaboration in the new play frame11. The renewal of friendship between Ariel and Yoav stands in sharp contrast to the outcome of the previous incident, in which Dani refuses point blank to renew his friendshi p with Erez.What we can see here is that the children’s norms for face threat and remedial action are driven by local, child world specific concerns: friendship is the central motivating force for interpersonal relations, and there are (mostly) unspoken norms governing appropriate behavior between Apology events in young Israeli peer discourse 29 Example 6: ‘Let’s do a picnic party’ Yoav, m, (4;8); TEACHER-AID, Teacher Assistant (m); Golan, m, (5;6); Ariel, m, (4;11); Amichay, m, (4;10); Amit, m, (4;11); Naor; Date: 05-06-00, Place: â€Å"Einit† kindergarden, Jerusalem.Situation: The children are playing in the recycled junkyard consisting of small structures; they are in the â€Å"boys’ play structure†. 30 Zohar Kampf and Shoshana Blum-Kulka Example 6: (continued) ((continued: the boys are playing peacefully and keep on planning their picnic. )) friends. Breaches of this behavior (like causing physical damage to your friend) are taken as face threatening not only to the offended party, but also to their shared face as friends.Since it is friendship that is jeopardized, such confrontational episodes can have either of two outcomes: (temporary) end of friendship or successful remedial action that leads to its full resumption. Apology events in young Israeli peer discourse 31 5. Other means of reconciliation In this section we discuss the sholem (literally ‘peace’) ritual as one salient indirect way of negotiating reconciliation in the children’s world12.The sholem ritual is an important cultural practice of appeasement in Israeli children’s peer world. The word sholem denotes being in a friendly state, and its antonym brogez, (in anger) denotes being in antagonistic state. The terms can be used both to denote being ‘in peace’ (sholem) or the opposite (brogez, ‘in anger’) as well as performatively, to bring such states into being (Katriel 1985). Through the shole m event children declare and mark performatively the end of conflict; sholem events put an end to a period of brogez.They provide speakers with indirect means for appeasement, circumventing the need to apologize explicitly and thereby minimizing the threat to the self’s negative face. Similar to apologies, sholem rituals presuppose that a violation has taken place, has led to a state of brogez (a severance of relationship), a situation which is being remedied through the performance of the ritual which allows for the resumption of relations and reestablishment of the normal social matrix. The initiation for a sholem ritual can be rejected, which is face-threatening for the initiator.Our next example illustrates one way to minimize the threat to negative self face. By engaging in a pre-sholem-ritual move, querying the state of the relationship (are you brogez/sholem with †¦? ) rather than attempting to change it, the speaker can find out if the necessary preparatory condi tion for the ritual holds without actually risking its performance. In the following extract, the three boys are talking about their forthcoming lunch, and Ben expresses concern that one of the boys (Eitan) will not share his bagels with his friends.Apparently bagels are a coveted item, but to have them shared necessitates that both receiver (s) and donor are in a friendly relationship. But Eitan (the potential donor) is considered a ‘non-friend’ throughout the exchange, in which the other boys keep telling him that they are in a state of brogez with him. Ben’s question to Eli (turn 92) refers to Eitan (the potential donor) in the third person, suggesting that he is an unratified participant; one with whom the others are in a state of ‘not friends right now’ (brogez).This is a state Eli’s proposes to remedy through the sholem ritual of peace making. But instead of following up this suggestion, Ben, speaking on behalf of the group, minimizes th e threat to Eitan’s positive face caused by his exclusion by claiming that it was not in earnest (94: we teased you, teased you, okay? ), and then goes on to query rather than state the collective wish to make peace. In the next example the pre-sholem-ritual query is used as a sophisticated indirect strategy for gaining play entry (Blum-Kulka, in press). 2 Zohar Kampf and Shoshana Blum-Kulka Example 7: ‘Make now sholem’ Participants: Ben, m, (4;9); Eli, m, (4;6); Eitan, m (4;11); Date: 2. 2. 2000. Place: â€Å"Dganit† kindergarden, Ashdod. Situation: The children are talking about their forthcoming lunch. This extract is a small part of a long episode in which Dalit and Adi, best friends, engage in pretend play based on Pokemon characters, while a third girl, Shirley, makes repeated failed attempts to join in.This extract represents a failed attempt at appeasement. Shirley’s preritual-query in turn 22 (are you (plural) sholem with me? ) queries the status of her friendship with the two other girls in an attempt to establish the necessary precondition for play entry. As noted by Corsaro (1985), children in this age group use ‘claims of friendship in an attempt to gain access, and the denial of friendship as a basis for exclusion’ (p. 168). Example 8: The ‘sholem-brogez’ incidentParticipants: Dalit, f, (5;0); Adi, f, (4;7); Shirly, f, (4;0). Date: 4. 5. 2000. Place: â€Å"Dganit† kindergarden, Ashdod. Situation: The children are playing freely outside. Apology events in young Israeli peer discourse 33 Shirley’s indirect request to join in systematically rejected by Dalit (see turns 25 for an indirect denial of friendship and 28 for reference to arbitrary rules as a way for denial), while her friend, Adi, acts as the gobetween, speaking up for Shirley while also placating Dalit.The failure to reach reconciliation is encapsulated in Shirley’s move in turn 26: she declares a new state of personal dispute, singling Dalit brogez itax (singular ‘you’), thereby countering Dalit’s move of exclusion by reclaiming the initiative for herself. In principle, this should rule out any further attempts by her to join the game, but in practice she does continue with her efforts to negotiate entry, efforts met every time with direct yet grounded refusals on the part of Dalit13. Several points about children’s concept of apologies that we saw earlier are illustrated here: first, the centrality of friendship as a necessary recondition for all social relationships (be it for sharing food or joint play); second, the vulnerability of ‘friendship’ as a shared face construct; and third, physical damage as well as acts of exclusion constitute grave face-threats that sever friendships and hence need to be remedied in ways that ensure the re-institution of the relationship in full. 6. Summary The analysis of apology events in peer interaction as pr esented here suggests that the children’s system of politeness for apologies contains a rich repertoire of verbal formulae and apology functions, and is largely driven by the deep interests of childhood peer culture.The verbal formulae manifest in the children’s talk echo adult usage: both the young and the older cohort used the formulaic slixa (literally, ‘forgive’, used as ‘excuse me’) and ani micta’er (‘I’m sorry’), for a number of functions and in different keyings. Thus ‘I’m sorry’ is being used formulaically (I’m sorry, I don’t have †¦ ) and sarcastically (I’m sorry for his momentary insanity †¦ by 10 year old boy), and ‘forgive’ is used both in a challenging key (excuse me teacher, don’t speak †¦ ) and in earnest (I’m sorry for what I did, excuse me).We also saw that the pragmatic repertoire for apologies includes the ability to detect a complaint realized indirectly, to use various excuses to minimize responsibility and to deny intent Comparing the two cohorts, we saw that with age, the range of forms and functions increases, as does the repertoire of acts considered as violations requiring an apology14. Thus, while apologies made by younger children are often conventional in nature and focus mostly on ‘breach of expectation’ type of violation, (as in Silver? Silver? Sorry, I don’t have silver color’, in response to a request for a silver color from a 6 year old girl).Preadolescents vary their use of forms and keyings to address di- 34 Zohar Kampf and Shoshana Blum-Kulka verse types of offenses (as in the case of Iris, 10, personifying the microphone by ‘eh forgive me, don’t be offended, don’t be offended ’). Concurrently, the need to apologize often arises in situations of play, in cases when a momentary violent act by one of the children threatens wh at Corsaro (1985) calls â€Å"the fragile interactive space† shared by a group of playmates. Corsaro argues that the concept of friendship in the preschool years is mainly built on the concept of collaboration in play.Your friends are the children you play with, and since peer interactive spaces are difficult to enter yet easily disrupted, ‘children develop relation with several playmates as a way to maximize the probability of successful entry’ (Corsaro 1985: 186). Our observations suggest a broader concept of friendship in the preschool years. Friendship as such seems to be conceived as the major precondition for gaining access to play: being ‘in peace’ (sholem) indexes being friends, and declaring a state of ‘in anger’ (brogez) indexes a grave threat to face because it means the denial of friendship.Hence disruptive acts during play are interpreted as threatening the very foundation which makes play possible, namely presupposed friend ship. The negotiation over the remedial action that follows, successful or not, has to do with re-instating the relationship. Interestingly, when adults intervene, the focus shifts to the clarification of intent (TA: you have to accept his apology because he did not do it on purpose) whereas among the children, intent gets mentioned only after mutual trust and solidarity have been re-established through the acceptance of a new play frame (Yonatan: I didn’t mean to).The study of children’s apologies, as undertaken here, is exploratory in nature and does not claim to represent the full pragmatic system for children’s notions of face threat and remedial action at different ages. Yet because it is based entirely on natural discourse, it allows us a glimpse into the way that children’s politeness systems are being shaped in their daily interactions, and how they are driven by local immediate concerns of childhood culture, like friendship, while concurrently co nstantly adopting the forms and conventions of the adult world. Notes 1.There are only few apology studies that have relied on transcribed natural discourse. The two recent studies that did rely on natural spoken data (Deutschmann, 2003 from a politeness theory perspective; Robinson, 2004 from a CA perspective), focused on adult usage only. 2. See Blum-Kulka et al. (2004) and Blum-Kulka (2005) for more information on the project. 3. Obviously, more research is needed for reaching any cross-cultural or age related conclusions from such comparisons. 4. The findings also indicate some gender differences in the types of offenses which precede apologies.Whereas most of the boys’ apologies were realized after a vio- Apology events in young Israeli peer discourse 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 35 lent conflict (which fall mainly to the accident category), girls apologized mainly after lack of consideration or talk offenses. See Sheldon (1993) and Sheldon and Johnson (1994) for the broader picture of gender differences in conflict talk. Transcription Conventions: word emphasis Wo::rd stretch WORD loud volume ?word? low volume AB pitch changes slow rhythm >words< fast rhythm #words# unique tone (0) pause [words] overlap word overlatch word- cut-off word) transcription doubt ((comment)) comments (†¦. ) unclear talk. Turn numbers reflect the original numbering in the full recorded session the excerpt is taken from. The English translation follows the Hebrew text closely; cases where Israeli norms or strategies are culture specific are commented on in the body of the paper. Deutschmann (2003) includes in this category offenses such declining offers or requests, forgetting agreements etc. For example, when Dafna (6;2) asks for the silver color during a joint drawing activity, Daniela (5;9) apologizes â€Å"Silver? Silver? Sorry, I don’t have silver color†).It is not perfectly clear from the tape who is uttering the first â€Å"sorry† i n this sequence. The second IFID realization in turn 36 is made by Danni, who is also the offender in this apology event. Because of technical problems the sequence was only partly transcribed, a matter which makes it difficult to characterize the violations in detail; thus we do not know what the TA is referring to when she talks about â€Å"falling†. This is the only occurrence of the word â€Å"apology† in the corpus. Nine turns later (382) the children started to play with an iron which warmed up in the sun, and later sat on it.Prompted by the heated metal, they started a verbal play with a distortion of the utterance â€Å"my butt is boiling†, which made them both laugh and finally succeeded in cheering up Dani. Ariel’s moves seem to resemble the â€Å"confidence building measures† diplomats talk about in the context of international conflict resolution. We have also noted other indirect ways of appeasement, such as humor, narratives and expla nations, but will not elaborate on these for lack of space. There were 32 â€Å"brogez† utterances and 17 â€Å"sholem† utterances in the young cohort’s data, and not a single occurrence in the older cohort’s talk.We can see that the â€Å"sholem† ritual is replaced with age by the conventional apology formula of the adult world. A caveat is in order here. More data is needed to confirm our developmental observations, since some of them might be due to the different circumstances in which peer talk took place in the two cohorts: during free play in groups for the younger children, and during a meal in a fast food restaurant in pairs of two for the older cohorts. 36 Zohar Kampf and Shoshana Blum-Kulka References Benoit, W. L. (1995). Accounts, Excuses and Apologies: A Theory of Image Restoration Strategies.Albany: State University of New York Press. Bergman, L. M. and G. Kasper (1993). 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